, 2002). Within the context of slash-and-burn farming the margins of these wetlands provided an opportunity for agricultural intensification because a second crop could be planted in the moist soils as the margins of the wetlands receded in the dry season. Settlements clustered around wetlands for their early importance as water sources (Dunning et al., 2002) and then later when more intensified forms of agriculture were needed (Fedick and Morrison, 2004). Raised fields were also constructed in seasonally and perennially flooded zones to reclaim land and control water flow to create more optimal conditions for intensive farming regimes. The first raised fields were identified

by Siemens check details in the Candalaria region of Campeche, Mexico (1982; also see Siemens and Puleston, 1972), but some of the clearest examples of these rectilinear field systems come from northern Belize (Siemens and Puleston, 1972, Turner, 1974, Turner and Harrison, 1981, Beach et al., 2009 and Luzzadder-Beach et al., 2012). Subsequent work on the Belizean systems suggests that natural processes are responsible for some of these distinctive rectilinear features (Pohl et al., 1996) and resulted from a combination of anthropogenic and natural processes (Beach et al., 2009). The systems FK228 concentration in northern Belize and southern

Campeche are the best studied, but others are known from Mexico’s Bajo Morocoy of Quintana Roo (Gleissman et al., 1983). Unique water control systems are also known from the Yalahau region in the northern lowlands (Fedick and Morrison, 2004), Palenque in the western periphery of the Maya region (French and Duffy, 2010 and French et al., 2012), Tikal in the central lowlands (Scarborough Phosphoribosylglycinamide formyltransferase et al., 2012) and a number of other smaller centers (Fig. 3).

Food, and by extension labor, provided the foundation for the hierarchical structure of Classic Maya society. The hieroglyphic writing, art, architecture, and science (engineering, astronomy and mathematics) would not exist without food production systems sufficient and stable enough to feed the population and the non-food-producing elite. Kingship and the hierarchical structure of Maya society added an additional burden to household food production. This was particularly true in the Late Classic (AD 600–800) when building campaigns and artistic achievement peaked regionally, possibly indicating weaknesses in the overall sociopolitical system (Stuart, 1993), and created additional demands on labor and production. The labor demands of slash-and-burn farming make it difficult for subsistence farmers to produce great surpluses and long-term storage of grain in the lowland tropics is limited (Webster, 1985). More intensive agricultural systems evident in some parts of the Maya world (e.g., terraces and raised fields) alleviated this to a certain extent, but Maya kings were limited to only minimal labor or food taxes (perhaps 10% maximum, Webster, 1985).